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Mercredi 3 octobre 2007
State tells Court it backs evacuation of settlers from Hebron market
By Yuval Yoaz, Haaretz Correspondent

The State Prosecution informed the High Court of Justice on Monday that it supports the evacuation of settlers who are squatting in Palestinian-owned stores in a market in the West Bank city of Hebron.

Prosecutors told the court they view a recent appeals committee decision to delay the evacuation, from a market near the Jewish Avraham Avinu neighborhood of city, as "extremely unreasonable and constitutes an infraction upon the rule of law."

The prosecution expressed support for Peace Now petition calling for the immediate removal of the settlers, urging the court to rule in favor of the petition.

 
The petition was submitted two weeks ago by Peace Now and the Palestinian owners of the stores, through attorney Michael Sefarad, after the appeals committee orderd the evacuation delayed until the ownership claims of the settlers are reviewed. The ruling was made despite the disapproval of the State Prosecution, which stated that "the activity in question is illegal, deliberate and premeditated, and violates the rule of law in Hebron."

According to the Peace Now petition, "the meaning of the [appeals committee] decision is that Jewish squatters can use any outrageous argument, in the name of the people and the nation, and succeed even if there is no legal basis for it."

In its statement, the State Prosecution sided with 'Peace Now.' According to State Prosecution attorney Gilad Sherman, "The Hebron Old City Rehabilitation Committee initiated the Jewish families' invasion of the stores, and this without any legal right. This committee's goal, it would seem, was to force the local authorities and the state to deliver stores and other property in Hebron into their hands."

Hebron Community Council spokeswoman Orit Struk said in response that, "This is another instance in which the State Prosecution and Military Prosecution collaborated with the radical left in order to expel Jews from their land, ignore the owners of the land and continue the work of the murderers in the Hebron Massacre of 1929."
Par Duffer2222 - Publié dans : Palestine
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Mercredi 3 octobre 2007

Lecturers drop Israeli universities boycott call after legal advice



James Meikle, education correspondent
Saturday September 29, 2007
The Guardian


The prospect of an academic boycott of Israeli universities receded sharply yesterday as leaders of the lecturers' union contemplating the move were told it would be illegal. The British University and College Union (UCU) immediately suspended regional meetings called to discuss the "moral implications" of existing links and hear from Palestinian trade unionists living under Israeli occupation who had called for the protest.

In May, delegates at the union's annual congress in Bournemouth provoked an international storm, especially in Israel and the US, by demanding a programme of meetings to pave the way for a vote on cutting academic ties. The move was approved by 158 votes to 99. Jewish leaders, university vice-chancellors and the government condemned the move.

Yesterday David Newman, head of geopolitics at Ben-Gurion University, and academic representative of Israel on boycott issues, said he was glad the UCU had "seen sense and realised that universities are the place for open dialogue, freedom of speech and liberal thought, all of which a boycott would have prevented".

Legal advice to the union's strategy and finance committee said a boycott call ran the risk of infringing discrimination legislation and was also considered outside the aims and objects of the union.

Sally Hunt, general secretary of the UCU, insisted the majority of the union's 120,000 members would neither support a boycott call nor regard it as a priority. She said last night: "I hope this decision will allow all to move forwards and focus on what is our primary objective, the representation of our members."

However, Sue Blackwell, a member of the union's executive and of the British Committee for the Universities of Palestine, said of the decision: "It is quite ridiculous. It is cowardice. It is outrageous and an attack on academic freedom."

Bill Rammell, the higher education minister, who had flown to Israel to soothe tensions, said: "An academic boycott would not have done anything to further the Middle East peace process, in fact the reverse."

Par Duffer2222 - Publié dans : Palestine
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Mercredi 3 octobre 2007
One Palestinian killed in IAF strike on rocket launching cell in Gaza

By Avi Issacharoff and Yuval Azoulay, Haaretz Correspondents, and Haaretz Service

The Israel Air Force fired missiles at a Qassam rocket launching cell in the northern Gaza Strip Thursday evening, killing one militant, Palestinian sources reported.

The incident occurred in Beit Hanun, after 11 additional Palestinians had been killed in separate strikes in the Gaza Strip.

Sources said the missile attack killed one gunman and wounded another, both belonging to the Fatah-affiliated militant group Al Aqsa Martyrs Brigade.


An Israel Defense Forces spokeswoman said "the army attacked a group of militants in northern Gaza who had just fired a rocket at Israel."

Earlier Thursday, Palestinian Authority Chairman Mahmoud Abbas condemned the Israel Defense Forces strikes on the Gaza Strip, calling the operation a "massacre."

The Palestinian news agency Ma'an reported that Abbas, who is currently in New York, addressed the United Nations Security Council and world leaders demanding that they intervene to "stop the massacre of Palestinians being carried out by the army of the occupation in the Gaza Strip."

Meanwhile, UN sources reported Thursday that Foreign Minister Tzipi Livni was scheduled to meet with Abbas in New York on Friday.

The militant group Hamas, who seized control over the Gaza Strip from rival forces loyal to Abbas in June, vowed to avenge the deaths of the Palestinians killed in the IDF raids and said that Israel would "pay heavily" for the attack.

"The resistance factions are ready to force the Zionist enemy to pay a heavy price if they pursue their aggression. All options will be open to the factions in order to defend our people," said Hamas spokesman Sami Abu Zuhri.

Two Hamas militants were killed early Thursday in an Israel Air Force strike near Beit Hanun. Hospital reports said five were wounded.

Several hours earlier, an IAF strike on a car traveling in the Zeitoun neighborhood Gaza City killed five Army of Islam militants. The IDF said in a statement that the car was carrying militants and rockets that were ready to be launched at Israel.

The Army of Islam was involved in the abduction of IDF soldier Gilad Shalit in June 2006, as well as the the March 12 abduction of BBC Gaza Correspondent Alan Johnston, who was released in early July.

On Wednesday evening, four Palestinians were killed by an IDF shell in the northern Gaza town of Beit Hanun. It was not immediately clear whether they were armed, but the IDF said the shelling targeted a militant cell that specialized in anti-tank combat.

Palestinians said at least 11 people were wounded in the shelling.

IDF tanks and bulldozers had entered the northern Gaza Strip near Beit Hanun in an effort to clear vegetation and other obstructions often used by Palestinian militants as cover to fire Qassams from the area.

At a funeral on Thursday, hundreds of Army of Islam gunmen marched in a funeral procession in Gaza City, firing in the air in their first-ever public appearance in such large numbers. They sported long beards and black headbands. Many wore dark robes, a style of dress more common in Afghanistan or Pakistan than in Gaza. Gunmen, some wearing masks, fired in the air from Kalashnikov and M-16 assault rifles.

Two Qassam rockets were fired into the western Negev Thursday evening causing no injuries or damage. Since Wednesday, 12 Qassam rockets and some 20 mortar shells exploded inside Israeli territory.

On Wednesday, two Qassam rockets hit the rocket-weary town of Sderot. One of the rockets hit a house in a western Negev community, Israel Radio reported, causing damage but no injuries. The IDF said there were no injuries of damage in the other attacks.

Earlier Wednesday, the IDF said its aircraft struck Qassam rocket launchers in the northern Gaza Strip. Palestinian officials said two people were slightly injured in the strikes, near the towns of Beit Hanun and Beit Lahia.

The casualties were the heaviest sustained in Gaza since the government declared the coastal strip a "hostile territory", and came several hours after Defense Minister Ehud Barak warned of a large-scale military operation in the Strip in order to halt Qassam rocket fire on Israel.

Barak told Army Radio Wednesday morning that Israel "is approaching a large-scale operation ... in the Gaza Strip due to the continued Qassam rocket fire."

"One must understand that such an operation is not simple in terms of force [size], the length of time for which we will have to stay [in the Strip], and in terms of the operation limits that the soldiers will encounter," Barak said. "It is very complicated."

Prime Minister's Office spokesman David Baker said Wednesday that Israel would continue to take "pre-emptive measures" to prevent rocket attacks or other assaults on its citizens.

IDF to impose closure on W. Bank, Gaza for Sukkot holiday
The army also prepared Wednesday to impose an open-ended closure on the West Bank and Gaza Strip ahead of the Sukkot holiday.

The most recent blanket closure on the Palestinian territories, which includes travel bans within Palestinian areas, ended after Yom Kippur on Saturday.

"In light of the significant terror threat during the Jewish holiday... a general closure will be implemented... during the holiday period," a military statement said.

The statement said that the closure will be lifted in accordance with security assessments, and that passage would be allowed for urgent humanitarian cases.

The statement also said journalists could not use the Erez crossing between Israel and Gaza but they were free to enter and leave the West Bank. It gave no explanation for the Gaza ban.

The army said Palestinians also lobbed 20 mortar shells into Israel from the southern part of the strip, but no casualties were reported.

IDF arrests last militant who took part in 2000 lynch of soldiers
The IDF arrested overnight Tuesday the last wanted militant in connection with the 2000 lynching of two IDF reservists, Yossi Avrahami and Vadim Norjitz.

Ayman Zaban was caught in an upscale neighborhood of the northern West Bank city of Nablus after IDF jeeps surrounded a building where he was sleeping, Palestinian officials said.

The attack took place in the West Bank city of Ramallah in the first weeks of the second Palestinian Intifada. Two reservist soldiers, Cpl. Vadim Norjitz , 33, and Yossi Avrahami, 38, were on their way to their army base in the West Bank in October 2000 but took a wrong turn.

They ended up in Ramallah, were arrested and taken to a police station. There, an angry mob stormed the station and beat and stabbed the two men to death.

Graphic pictures showed the crowd tossing the bodies out a second-story window and beating them with iron bars as they lay lifeless on the ground, and a Palestinian proudly holding up his bloodstained hands from the window.

A total of seven wanted militants were arrested in the West Bank overnight Tuesday.
Par Duffer2222 - Publié dans : Palestine
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Mercredi 3 octobre 2007

An Opening Shot for War on Iran?

Why Did Israel Attack Syria?

By JONATHAN COOK

Nazareth

Israel's air strike on northern Syria earlier this month should be understood in the context of events unfolding since its assault last summer on neighboring Lebanon.

From the leaks so far, it seems that more than half a dozen Israeli warplanes violated Syrian airspace to drop munitions on a site close to the border with Turkey. We also know from the US media that the raid occurred in close coordination with the White House. But what was the purpose and significance of the attack?

It is worth recalling that, in the wake of Israel's month-long war against Lebanon a year ago, a prominent American neoconservative, Meyrav Wurmser, wife of Vice-President Dick Cheney's recently departed Middle East adviser, explained that the war had dragged on because the White House delayed in imposing a ceasefire. The neocons, she said, wanted to give Israel the time and space to expand the attack to Damascus.

The reasoning was simple: before an attack on Iran could be countenanced, Hizbullah in Lebanon had to be destroyed and Syria at the very least cowed. The plan was to isolate Tehran on these two other hostile fronts before going in for the kill.

But faced with constant rocket fire from Hizbullah last summer, Israel's public and military nerves frayed at the first hurdle. Instead Israel and the US were forced to settle for a Security Council resolution rather than a decisive military victory.

The immediate fallout of the failed attack was an apparent waning of neocon influence. The group's program of "creative destruction" in the Middle East -- the encouragement of regional civil war and the partition of large states that threaten Israel -- was at risk of being shunted aside.

Instead the "pragmatists" in the Bush Administration, led by Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice and the new Defense Secretary Robert Gates, demanded a change of tack. The standoff reached a head in late 2006 when oilman James Baker and his Iraq Study Group began lobbying for a gradual withdrawal from Iraq -- presumably only after a dictator, this one more reliable, had again been installed in Baghdad. It looked as if the neocons' day in the sun had finally passed.

Israel's leadership understood the gravity of the moment. In January 2007 the Herzliya conference, an annual festival of strategy-making, invited no less than 40 Washington opinion-formers to join the usual throng of Israeli politicians, generals, journalists and academics. For a week the Israeli and American delegates spoke as one: Iran and its presumed proxy, Hizbullah, were bent on the genocidal destruction of Israel. Tehran's development of a nuclear program -- whether for civilian use, as Iran argues, or for military use, as the US and Israel claim -- had to be stopped at all costs.

While the White House turned uncharacteristically quiet all spring and summer about what it planned to do next, rumors that Israel was pondering a go-it-alone strike against Iran grew noisier by the day. Ex-Mossad officers warned of an inevitable third world war, Israeli military intelligence advised that Iran was only months away from the point of no return on developing a nuclear warhead, prominent leaks in sympathetic media revealed bombing runs to Gibraltar, and Israel started upping the pressure on several tens of thousands of Jews in Tehran to flee their homes and come to Israel.

While Western analysts opined that an attack on Iran was growing unlikely, Israel's neighbors watched nervously through the first half of the year as the vague impression of a regional war came ever more sharply into focus. In particular Syria, after witnessing the whirlwind of savagery unleashed against Lebanon last summer, feared it was next in line in the US-Israeli campaign to break Tehran's network of regional alliances. It deduced, probably correctly, that neither the US nor Israel would dare attack Iran without first clobbering Hizbullah and Damascus.

For some time Syria had been left in no doubt of the mood in Washington. It failed to end its pariah status in the post-9/11 period, despite helping the CIA with intelligence on al-Qaeda and secretly trying to make peace with Israel over the running sore of the occupied Golan Heights. It was rebuffed at every turn.

So as the clouds of war grew darker in the spring, Syria responded as might be expected. It went to the arms market in Moscow and bought up the displays of anti-aircraft missiles as well as anti-tank weapons of the kind Hizbullah demonstrated last summer were so effective at repelling Israel's planned ground invasion of south Lebanon.

As the Israeli military historian Martin van Creveld reluctantly conceded earlier this year, US policy was forcing Damascus to remain within Iran's uncomfortable embrace: "Syrian President Bashar al-Assad finds himself more dependent on his Iranian counterpart, Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, than perhaps he would like."

Israel, never missing an opportunity to wilfully misrepresent the behavior of an enemy, called the Syrian military build-up proof of Damascus' appetite for war. Apparently fearful that Syria might initiate a war by mistaking the signals from Israel as evidence of aggressive intentions, the Israeli prime minister, Ehud Olmert, urged Syria to avoid a "miscalculation". The Israeli public spent the summer braced for a far more dangerous repeat of last summer's war along the northern border.

It was at this point -- with tensions simmeringly hot -- that Israel launched its strike, sending several fighter planes into Syria on a lightning mission to hit a site near Dayr a-Zawr. As Syria itself broke the news of the attack, Israeli generals were shown on TV toasting in the Jewish new year but refusing to comment.

Details have remained thin on the ground ever since: Israel imposed a news blackout that has been strictly enforced by the country's military censor. Instead it has been left to the Western media to speculate on what occurred.

One point that none of the pundits and analysts have noted was that, in attacking Syria, Israel committed a blatant act of aggression against its northern neighbor of the kind denounced as the "supreme international crime" by the Nuremberg war crimes tribunal.

Also, no one pointed out the obvious double standard applied to Israel's attack on Syria compared to the far less significant violation of Israeli sovereignty by Hizbullah a year earlier, when the Shia militia captured two Israel soldiers at a border post and killed three more. Hizbullah's act was widely accepted as justification for the bombardment and destruction of much of Lebanon, even if a few sensitive souls agonized over whether Israel's response was "disproportionate". Would these commentators now approve of similar retaliation by Syria?

The question was doubtless considered unimportant because it was clear from Western coverage that no one -- including the Israeli leadership -- believed Syria was in a position to respond militarily to Israel's attack. Olmert's fear of a Syrian "miscalculation" evaporated the moment Israel did the maths for Damascus.

So what did Israel hope to achieve with its aerial strike?

The stories emerging from the less gagged American media suggest two scenarios. The first is that Israel targeted Iranian supplies passing through Syria on their way to Hizbullah; the second that Israel struck at a fledgling Syrian nuclear plant where materials from North Korea were being offloaded, possibly as part of a joint nuclear effort by Damascus and Tehran.

(Speculation that Israel was testing Syria's anti-aircraft defences in preparation for an attack on Iran ignores the fact that the Israeli air force would almost certainly choose a flightpath through friendlier Jordanian airspace.)

How credible are these two scenarios?

The nuclear claims against Damascus were discounted so quickly by experts of the region that Washington was soon downgrading the accusation to claims that Syria was only hiding the material on North Korea's behalf. But why would Syria, already hounded by Israel and the US, provide such a readymade pretext for still harsher treatment? Why, equally, would North Korea undermine its hard-won disarmament deal with the US? And why, if Syria were covertly engaging in nuclear mischief, did it alert the world to the fact by revealing the Israeli air strike?

The other justification for the attack was at least based in a more credible reality: Damascus, Hizbullah and Iran undoubtedly do share some military resources. But their alliance should be seen as the kind of defensive pact needed by vulnerable actors in a Sunni-dominated region where the US wants unlimited control of Gulf oil and supports only those repressive regimes that cooperate on its terms. All three are keenly aware that it is Israel's job to threaten and punish any regimes that fail to toe the line.

Contrary to the impression being created in the West, genocidal hatred of Israel and Jews, however often Ahmadinejad's speeches are mistranslated, is not the engine of these countries' alliance.

Nonetheless, the political significance of the justifications for the Israeli air strike is that both neatly tie together various strands of an argument needed by the neocons and Israel in making their case for an attack on Iran before Bush leaves office in early 2009. Each scenario suggests a Shia "axis of evil", coordinated by Iran, that is actively plotting Israel's destruction. And each story offers the pretext for an attack on Syria as a prelude to a pre-emptive strike against Tehran -- launched either by Washington or Tel Aviv -- to save Israel.

That these stories appear to have been planted in the American media by neocon fanatics like John Bolton is warning enough -- as is the admission that the only evidence for Syrian malfeasance is Israeli "intelligence", the basis of which cannot be questioned as Israel is not officially admitting the attack.

It should hardly need pointing out that we are again in a hall of mirrors, as we were during the period leading up to America's invasion of Iraq and have been during its subsequent occupation.

Bush's "war on terror" was originally justified with the convenient and manufactured links between Iraq and al-Qaeda, as well as, of course, those WMDs that, it later turned out, had been destroyed years earlier. But ever since Tehran has invariably been the ultimate target of these improbable confections.

There were the forged documents proving both that Iraq had imported enriched uranium from Niger to manufacture nuclear warheads and that it was sharing its nuclear know-how with Iran. And as Iraq fell apart, neocon operatives like Michael Ledeen lost no time in spreading rumors that the missing nuclear arsenal could still be accounted for: Iranian agents had simply smuggled it out of Iraq during the chaos of the US invasion.

Since then our media have proved that they have no less of an appetite for such preposterous tales. If Iran's involvement in stirring up its fellow Shia in Iraq against the US occupation is at least possible, the same cannot be said of the regular White House claims that Tehran is behind the Sunni-led insurgencies in Iraq and Afghanistan. A few months ago the news media served up "revelations" that Iran was secretly conspiring with al-Qaeda and Iraq's Sunni militias to oust the US occupiers.

So what purpose does the constant innuendo against Tehran serve?

The latest accusations should be seen as an example of Israel and the neocons "creating their own reality", as one Bush adviser famously observed of the neocon philosophy of power. The more that Hizbullah, Syria and Iran are menaced by Israel, the more they are forced to huddle together and behave in ways to protect themselves -- such as arming -- that can be portrayed as a "genocidal" threat to Israel and world order.

Van Creveld once observed that Tehran would be "crazy" not to develop nuclear weapons given the clear trajectory of Israeli and US machinations to overthrow the regime. So equally Syria cannot afford to jettison its alliance with Iran or its involvement with Hizbullah. In the current reality, these connections are the only power it has to deter an attack or force the US and Israel to negotiate.

But they are also the evidence needed by Israel and the neocons to convict Syria and Iran in the court of Washington opinion. The attack on Syria is part of a clever hustle, one designed to vanquish or bypass the doubters in the Bush Administration, both by proving Syria's culpability and by provoking it to respond.

Condoleezza Rice, it emerged at the weekend, wants to invite Syria to attend the regional peace conference that has been called by President Bush for November. There can be no doubt that such an act of détente is deeply opposed by both Israel and the neocons. It reverses their strategy of implicating Damascus in the "Shia arc of extremism" and of paving the way to an attack on the real target: Iran.

Syria, meanwhile, is fighting back, as it has been for some time, with the only means available: the diplomatic offensive. For two years Bashar al-Assad has been offering a generous peace deal to Israel on the Golan Heights that Tel Aviv has refused to consider. This week, Syria made a further gesture towards peace with an offer on another piece of territory occupied by Israel, the Shebaa Farms. Under the plan, the Farms -- which the United Nations now agrees belongs to Lebanon, but which Israel still claims is Syrian and cannot be returned until there is a deal on the Golan Heights -- would be transferred to UN custody until the dispute over its sovereignty can be resolved.

Were either of Damascus' initiatives to be pursued, the region might be looking forward to a period of relative calm and security. Which is reason enough why Israel and the neocons are so bitterly opposed. Instead they must establish a new reality -- one in which the forces of "creative destruction" so beloved of the neocons engulf yet more of the region. For the rest of us, a simpler vocabulary suffices. What is being sold is catastrophe.

Jonathan Cook is a writer and journalist based in Nazareth, Israel. He is the author of the forthcoming "Blood and Religion: The Unmasking of the Jewish and Democratic State" published by Pluto Press, and available in the United States from the University of Michigan Press. His website is www.jkcook.net
Par Duffer2222 - Publié dans : Palestine
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Mercredi 3 octobre 2007
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Mercredi 3 octobre 2007

Ex-Fatah fighter in battle for justice after daughter killed by Israeli police

By Donald Macintyre in Jerusalem

Published: 23 August 2007

Bassam Aramin describes how his wife Salwa dissolved into tears after they learnt the official investigation into their 10-year-old daughter's death had been closed without any prosecution or explanation of how it happened. "She felt that they had killed her another time," he said.

Now Palestinian peace campaigner Mr Aramin who, like his wife, is convinced their daughter Abir was killed by a rubber bullet fired by Israeli border police, is to fight through the Israeli courts to have the investigation reopened.

Mr Aramin's daughter was killed as she walked down a busy street in Anata, on the West Bank, last January. Witnesses said the officers in a Jeep were firing as she fell.

Part of what makes the case unusual stems from the life story of Mr Aramin, a former Fatah militant who - long before his daughter's death - renounced violence and now devotes his spare time to fostering peaceful dialogue between Palestinians and Israelis. He has had the backing of a group of Israeli ex-soldier friends in the unique organisation, Combatants for Peace.

Seven of the ex-soldiers were arrested at a demonstration against the decision to close the prosecution file outside the Ministry of Justice this month. The mainly Israeli protesters brandished banners saying in Hebrew, "Bring the murderers of Abir to justice" and "There is no immunity for killers in uniform".

Also unusual is the faith of Mr Aramin, as a Palestinian, that the perpetrator of Abir's death will be identified. He said he was "angry but not surprised" that the file was closed; few of more than 800 deaths of Palestinian children in conflict since 2000 have even been investigated.

Abir was with her sister and two friends after buying chocolate at a grocery shop having just finished a maths exam. One of the friends, 12-year-old Abrar Abu Qweida said an Israeli Jeep passed them in the opposite direction and she noticed a gun protruding from the rear.

Moments later, she said, she heard a loud bang and like Abir's sister Arin, 11, hunched her shoulders in an instinctive reaction. She said that Abir fell forward. A boy who helped to take Abir into her nearby school handed the Israeli legal rights agency Yesh Din a rubber bullet he said he found under her body.

Because the prosecution has not yet released the report of its investigation to Mr Aramin's Israeli lawyer, Michael Sfard, it is not yet clear why it was closed. But the policemen are understood to have maintained their Jeep was in a position from which it was impossible to have shot Abir.

There have been clashes between school students and police, though residents have said there was no reason for the police to come to Anata that day.

But Mr Aramin was at a meeting between representatives of the local school and Nissim Edri, a Border Police commander for outer Jerusalem on 20 March in which he says Mr Edri said, "the girl who died didn't die from the fire of one of our forces in the envelope of Jerusalem. It was someone from another area because they didn't understand the mentality and the agreements we have with the representatives of the school". Mr Edri also reportedly added that outside forces would not come to Anata again.

While not legally conclusive, the remarks strongly suggest an assumption among at least some senior officers that she had been shot by border policemen.

Mr Aramin also says he had a heated conversation with the driver of the Jeep at the third reconstruction of the scene by police investigators. He says: "I said, 'Why did you kill a 10-year-old?'. He said, 'There was a demonstration'. I said there was no demonstration. He said, 'Why would we shoot if there was no demonstration'. So they were admitting they fired."

At the autopsy, the state pathologist said Abir could have been killed by a stone as well as a rubber bullet. A pathologist hired by the family said a stone was theoretically possible, but a rubber bullet was more likely.

Abrar Abu Qweida said in January stones had been thrown by boys from the bottom of the hill, towards which the girls was facing. But Abir's fatal wound was in the back of her head.

Avichai Sharon, one of the Israelis arrested in this month's demo, said closure of the case follows a near-uniform pattern in cases with Palestinian victims, and he is adamant that if the case was a simple criminal one a prosecution would have followed.

Even without pathological evidence, he says: "You have the testimonies of seven witnesses, you have a bullet found at the scene. If this had been a Jewish girl going home from school in a Jerusalem suburb would the investigation have looked the same?."

He contrasts the much more publicised case of Tair Rhada, 13-year-old Jewish girl murdered in the Golan heights at about the same time. Under pressure of public opinion and despite heavily contested evidence, police swiftly prosecuted. "This is an example of how there is a difference between blood and blood."

Mr Aramin, who began to think about the meaning of the Holocaust after seeing Steven Spielberg's Schindler's List, says he is more determined than ever to keep up dialogue with Israelis, including the remarkable Israeli-Palestinian bereaved families group which he has joined since Abir's death. The group includes the Jewish parents of suicide bombing victims. "We have to do all we can to protect the children in this conflict," he says.

Mr Sfard will decide on what grounds to appeal when he gets the investigators' file, probably next week. Another Palestinian witness, a former employee of the Israeli police who drove past the incident as Abir fell, came forward after seeing Mrs Aramin in tears on television. His evidence is thought to corroborate other Palestinian testimonies.

Mr Aramin is adamant that he wants justice and not revenge, and is determined to go all the way to Israeli Supreme Court. "I have to prove my daughter was killed," he says quietly. "That is my problem."

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Mercredi 3 octobre 2007

Starving Gaza

Man walking along Gaza border
AP Photo / Kevin Frayer

A Palestinian man walks past the border wall in Rafah, in the southern Gaza Strip. In underground darkness with stifling heat and limited air supply, Gazans are finding an antidote to their growing isolation: digging tunnels under their border with Egypt to smuggle everything from weapons to cigarettes to people.

By Chris Hedges

Gaza has become the Sarajevo of the Middle East. Israel, in an action similar to that of the Serbs in Bosnia, has surrounded and cut off nearly a million and a half Palestinians in the Gaza Strip since the Islamic militant group Hamas took control in June. Electric fences and watch towers manned by Israeli soldiers keep the Palestinians trapped inside the strip. The land and sea blockade, the halting of all but minimal humanitarian aid and the refusal to allow Gaza to receive financial support are crushing Gaza’s industry, farming and infrastructure.

The tactic is clear: Israel and the United States will strangle Gaza by cutting off all money and goods, including fuel and most food, to reduce one of the most densely populated places on the planet to an impoverished ghetto. Hunger and anarchy, they hope, will motivate Gazans to turn on Hamas, and the anarchy will perhaps be used to justify a reoccupation by the Israeli military and see the return of the quisling President Mahmoud Abbas, who was ousted after he led an abortive coup to overthrow the democratically elected Hamas government. He is now in the West Bank.

The Bush administration has, in an effort to bolster the credibility of Abbas, promised to provide his government with $190 million in aid and $80 million in security assistance. And the Israeli prime minister has traveled to Jericho to tout Abbas as a partner for peace.

The effects of the siege are disastrous. Palestinians in Gaza are not allowed to travel abroad. They cannot enter Israel for work. They do not fish off the coast because Israeli gunboats open fire at any vessels that are more than a mile offshore. Gaza has seen 75 percent of its factories closed since June, with the loss of 68,000 jobs, according to the World Bank. There is a 70 percent unemployment rate, and 1.1 million of the 1.5 million Palestinians in Gaza depend on U.N. assistance to survive. The boycott has forced the United Nations to suspend $93 million worth of construction projects for homes, schools and sewage treatment in Gaza because cement and other building supplies have run out. These U.N. projects once employed 121,000 people. About 80 percent of the Palestinians in Gaza survive on $2 a day. Basic foodstuffs such as milk powder, baby formula, vegetable oil and medical supplies are running out. Families, unable to get food or find work, are living on little more than tea and bread.

The instability is compounded by the internecine violence among Palestinian factions, gangs, clans, militias and criminals, as well as the Israeli warplanes that bomb refugee camps in an effort to strike at militants and Israeli patrols that make incursions into the strip to round up suspects. It is impossible for nearly all Palestinians to enter or leave Gaza. The only connection the trapped population has with the outside comes through deep tunnels that Palestinians dig across the border into Egypt. These tunnels are used to smuggle goods, weapons and people, as a tunnel under the airport in Sarajevo was during the war in Bosnia.

The looming humanitarian crisis, manufactured and orchestrated by the Israeli government, in violation of international law, is a brutal form of collective punishment. It has, however, the support of the compliant Abbas government. Abbas has ordered all government officials in Gaza, including the police, to refuse to go to work and government offices to shut their doors. Those who do go to work, he says, will no longer receive their salaries. He suspended the Gaza Strip attorney general’s office and, in order to keep money out of the hands of the Hamas government, led by Ismael Haniyah, he told government-run hospitals not to collect fees. Abbas has even threatened not to recognize high school exam results in Gaza because the education system is being administered by what he called an illegitimate government.

On the public relations front, Abbas, knowing what buttons to push in Washington, has linked the Hamas government with al-Qaida and branded its military wing “a terrorist organization.”

“Yes, through Hamas, al-Qaida has entered Gaza and through Hamas, al-Qaida is protected,” he told Italian RAI TV in Rome on July 10.

The decision by Israel and the United States to widen the schism and increase tensions between Hamas and Abbas is a blunder of catastrophic proportions. The hatred for Israel and the United States, which already runs deep among Palestinians, will only grow the longer the siege continues. Abbas, by dancing to the tune of those seen by the Palestinians as the enemy, is becoming a reviled, weak and discredited figure. The schism makes a peace agreement and future cooperation only more elusive. Hamas is an unsavory organization, but as long as it has broad support among the Palestinians, and it does, it is going to have to be included in any eventual settlement if civility and peace are to be restored in Gaza and the West Bank. The ham-fisted attempt to make Hamas go away by meting out draconian punishments on the Palestinians in Gaza will radicalize more Palestinians and see the civil war spill into the West Bank. Despite all the aid Abbas gets, he may soon be battling Hamas militants in Ramallah.

Violence begets violence. Iraq should have taught us that. The road chosen by the Bush administration and the Israeli government is one that failed in Iraq, failed in Lebanon and will fail in the Palestinian territories. It will only increase the chaos, suffering and death. Hamas is not going to vanish because of Israeli repression. Radical organizations, on the contrary, count on this repression to build a militant base and silence the voices of reason within their own societies. These two apocalyptic extremes—represented by Hamas and the Israeli right wing—need each other to further their frightening visions. The Israeli right wing dreams of a broken and compliant Palestinian population living on impoverished reservations surrounded by the Israeli military. Hamas dreams of destroying the Jewish state. Neither dream is based on reality. Neither dream will work. But a lot of people will suffer and die to find this out.

Par Duffer2222 - Publié dans : Palestine
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Mercredi 3 octobre 2007

Mark Steel: Oi! Referee! That footballer's Palestinian!

What are we doing banning a touring team from Gaza because it is 'too poor'?

Published: 22 August 2007

We're used to stories about footballers' excessive wages, in which a star insists he won't sign a new contract unless he's given a planet. And then when the club backs down, he complains he's only been given Venus, which isn't fair as Didier Drogba got the much bigger Saturn.

But this week the trend reached a new depth. Because the Palestinian youth team, mostly from Gaza, was due to begin a three-week tour, playing against teams such as Blackburn Rovers, Tranmere and Chester. But on the day they were due to arrive, the British Foreign Office announced none of them would be granted a visa, the reason given that they were "too poor".

Too poor? Has the Foreign Office replaced immigration officials with doormen from a gentlemen's club? So instead of asking people at customs to show their passport, they look you up and down, then say, "I'm afraid sir, there is no admission into Britain without a tailored suit."

The Foreign Office originally backed the tour, saying it would "help to keep young men out of the hands of gunmen". Still, if only the footballers were rich Arab gunmen, sent by Saudi Arabia, they'd not only be allowed to play Blackburn, they'd probably buy it.

There will inevitably be suggestions from the Israeli government that the tour was a propaganda exercise for terrorists, despite the places they were due to play at. But you can imagine an Israeli statement claiming, "We have evidence that Blackburn Rovers is a front for terrorist activity, and we understand the half-time team talk by Mark Hughes goes 'We need to battle hard in midfield, and we can get the winner if we launch a merciless Holy Jihad against the infidel Arsenal flat-back-four'. And as for Chester, they might as well call themselves Hizbollah Wanderers and be done with it."

But it might be harder to explain why the tour was also backed by an organisation called Truce International, whose chair is Nancy Dell'Olio, the glamorous partner of Sven. Or Nancy Dell'Al-Zaqari HamasIntifadaOlio as she's probably known by Mossad. She said, "To refuse admission solely on the grounds they are too poor to be trusted will do Britain no good abroad."

How rancid do you have to be to make Nancy Dell'Olio sound like a campaigner from Liberty or Amnesty International? Perhaps it's a game, and their next test is to get Rolf Harris to say, "Gaw blimey, I've seen some imperialist running dogs of oppression but this Foreign Office takes the biscuit."

Or maybe this is all just practise for the English strategy to win the next World Cup. Within a couple of years almost every decent foreign footballer in the world will be playing here in the Premier League, then just before the tournament starts we'll refuse visas to all of them and give ourselves a chance. But most likely is simply that the Foreign Office has been leaned on by the Israeli government to refuse entry to the team. Because the Israelis do have a record here. In March last year they bombed the only football stadium in Gaza. And it wouldn't be surprising if, just for extra nastiness they contracted Multiplex to rebuild it.

And during the Asia Cup, which the Palestinian national team had started with an 8-0 win, the Israelis detained the five players who came from Gaza so they couldn't get to their match against Uzbekistan. This suggests the latest incident is simply part of the process of petty vindictiveness that occupying forces often dish out. Even if there's no obvious military or political advantage to be gained, you can imagine them passing a law that no one in Gaza is allowed to hum, or on Mondays everyone has to speak in a Geordie accent.

Even more annoying for the residents of Gaza, for over a year they've been under siege, the hospitals have run out of essential medicines, there's no electricity and hundreds of thousands are trapped there, unable to visit family or complete their education if it means leaving the occupied area. The justification offered often comes down to how Palestinian organisations refuse to recognise Israel's right to exist.

Yet the Israelis seem so determined to refuse Palestine's right to exist that they won't even allow them a football team. So what will they allow? Would they let them take part in the Eurovision Song Contest, or would they get the Foreign Office to refuse them entry on the grounds they were "too loud"? Would they let a Palestinian puppy enter Crufts, or would it be refused a visa for being "too frisky"?

So the Palestinian footballers are left with two options. The first is they're calling on people to send a message to the Foreign Office, at King Charles Street, London SW1A 2AH, asking for the decision to be reversed. Or they could organise their next tour to play against Scotland. Then even if they're not allowed to turn up they'll still win three-nil.

Par Duffer2222 - Publié dans : Palestine
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Mercredi 3 octobre 2007

August 15, 2007

A Man-Made Ruination

Can You Hear the Cries from Gaza?

By SONJA KARKAR

No one seems to hear the cries from Gaza enough to act, despite the reports that talk about imminent economic collapse, dangerous food shortages, total aid dependency and impending humanitarian disaster. Neither the cries nor the reports appear in the headlines or news alerts in our mainstream media. And, while the statistics make shocking reading when they do emerge, it is the cries that we should be hearing because they come from people like us--real flesh and blood people who bleed, feel pain and grieve. They are the cries that give rise to the statistics, the cries of Palestinians no less human and no less vulnerable than any one of us would be as prisoners of Israel's merciless occupation.

For all the recent news about the infighting that has gripped internal Palestinian politics, there is no mistaking under whose suffocating matrix of control, the Palestinians are actually forced to live. Israel has threatened the Palestinians' right to exist on their own land since it was created and it has no more disengaged from Gaza than it has from the West Bank. Instead, Israel has made a prison of Gaza and completely sealed it off from the West Bank and the outside world. Deeming it a place too dangerous to visit, Israel likes to portray the Palestinians as a violent people whose acts of resistance threaten Israel's existence and necessitate the punitive measures that Israel takes against them. However, according to international law, resistance is a legitimate response of an occupied people and collective punishment by an Occupying Power against a civilian population is prohibited. The outrage in all this is the world's acquiescence to Israel's suppression of the Palestinians and the oppressive force it uses to reduce them to a sub-human existence. This cuts to the core of our humanity and it is simply not enough to say, "there but for the grace of God go I".

Grim as the facts and figures are, they can never make us feel the agony of the mother who does not have a grain of rice left to feed her starving children, the desperation of the father who cannot get his sick child through the closed border crossing for treatment in Egypt, the terror of the child who wets the bed every night wondering if the soldiers will come again to ransack the house, the constant fear of schoolchildren knowing that even school is no haven from soldiers' bullets and mortar fire, the despairing distress of families who are not even given time to save their belongings as bulldozers come to tear down their homes, the desolation of thousands of people with no jobs to go to, the helplessness of thousands more who have received no wages for months and the wretchedness of the starving families who depend on the jobless and the unpaid. An entire population is in shut down--more than a million stories of agonising pain and overwhelming grief. But, no one is hearing the cries.

The shortages are getting worse by the day. Food is running out, fuel is running out, medicines are running out. There has been almost no electricity since Israel bombed Gaza's only power plant last year. Without electricity, water cannot be pumped. Without fuel, sewage cannot be pumped and the sewage is spilling out onto the streets contaminating the meagre water supplies left. The stench of open sewage hangs over every neighbourhood increasing the risk of disease and contagion. Running water is a luxury few have now, most having to queue to buy it. Children go out with plastic bottles and buckets to get their rations of water when and if supplies arrive. There is no refrigeration for fresh foods and in any case no fresh food is available. Even a staple like wheat is running out as the 600 tons of wheat needed daily is not getting through the Karni commercial crossing. Wherever one looks, there are faces of despair, but the very human cries from the depths of all this misery are not being heard.

Hospitals are overflowing with wounded people from Israel's aerial attacks and mortar shelling. Operating equipment is unusable as generators can no longer run without fuel. There are no medicines for the heart patients, diabetics, cancer sufferers and so many others. Doctors, nurses and health care workers are stretched to the limit trying to save lives and stop the pain when their own situations are desperate at home. Essential services can no longer cope with the demand. People are dying in their homes because they cannot get critical health care. Children are literally wasting away from malnutrition as they try to survive on a daily diet of bread and tea. Extreme hunger has driven many to scavenging the rubbish tips to find what they can to feed their families. And everywhere one looks, the greyness of dying has dulled the lifeblood of the people and still no one hears the cries of the sick and the wounded, the starving and the homeless and the keening sounds of people mourning their dead.

The list of impossible deprivations is about as awful as anyone wants to imagine. And with that come the daily, even hourly humiliations and indignities as Palestinians are pushed, prodded and targeted by Israel's soldiers, bombs, tanks, gun ships, warplanes and armed helicopters--an awesome military line-up against a population that has nothing even comparable to fight back. This tiny teeming piece of Palestine has been reduced to a gigantic penitentiary in which the entire one and a half million Palestinian population is permanently incarcerated. And, it is in this violent unforgiving world that Israel continues to indiscriminately punish the people, their cries only muffled by the firing of mortar shells and the explosion of bombs dropped from the sky.

Amidst all this chaos, the effects of the sanctions are painfully obvious. One by one, factories and businesses have closed, government services have folded and jobs have become non-existent. So draconian are the sanctions and closures that the Palestinians in Gaza are likely to become one hundred per cent aid-dependent indefinitely. It is almost impossible now for an economy that had shown some promise before the imposition of sanctions, to recover. The lush market gardens that produced an abundance of fruit and vegetables lie dry and fallow without water while those first crops intended for export markets ended up rotting on trucks as they waited in long queues for clearance to leave Gaza, and none ever did. Nothing can get into Gaza either except for the most basic food aid, forcing many factories, unable to produce without the necessary materials, to shut their doors. Without supplies, businesses have also been forced to close, plunging both shop and factory owners into penury along with the rest of the population.

The deliberate ruination of the Gazan economy and the gradual disintegration of Palestinian society are entirely man-made. As the eye takes in the bombarded landscape, it is hard to imagine that the old Gaza was once a wealthy and important trading place where proud and dignified people welcomed travellers who came by land and sea. It is hard to imagine that its capital--Gaza City--was really once a beautiful metropolis with wide roads and parks, swaying palm trees and an expansive seascape. Over the years, hospitals, universities, schools and municipal council buildings have added a modern layer to one of the world's oldest cities, developing and expanding despite Israel's occupation. But all that has been destroyed and nobody seems to care what will happen to the shadows of people merging into the rubble. The worst of it is that Israel is supported - even praised - for what it is doing in the name of security when by any other name it is purely and simply ethnic cleansing. And with every moment of our silence, we acquiesce and give support to the atrocities that are being committed in our name.

As the siege on Palestinian life in Gaza tightens further, nobody asks what Israel plans to do with the Palestinians. For more than a year, various bodies have warned about the imminent collapse of Gaza's economy and social order. The list is formidable--the World Bank, Oxfam, UNRWA, CARE International, the World Food Program, B'Tselem, World Vision, UNOCHA, Amnesty International, ECOSOC to name a few, but nothing has been done other than to provide basic food aid. Israel, on the other hand, has only increased the pressure by refusing to open border crossings between Gaza and the outside world, refusing the transfer of funds and monetary aid and refusing to allow international NGOs to operate their assistance programs in Gaza. Its acts of violence have not ceased either. Rumours of a large-scale Israeli military operation which were already circulating well before Hamas ousted Fatah forces in Gaza, is more than likely still on the table. It will only be a matter of time before Israel will act to quell any eruption from this suffocating mass of humanity, no doubt citing a security threat as is Israel's wont. The action then is likely to be just as merciless as it was last year when Israel's bombers strafed the Gazan landscape targeting everything in sight--cities, villages, farmlands, schools, hospitals, government buildings, roads, bridges and essential services and the civilian population that could find no refuge anywhere and could not even flee out of Gaza.

Despite all the warnings and evidence on the ground, Gaza continues to slide dangerously towards a humanitarian disaster and world governments have done absolutely nothing to stop it. There has not been a word of censure against Israel and the international community's craven silence will only embolden Israel to continue its cruel, punitive actions against Gaza's already traumatised and dying people. We can choose to hear their cries or ignore them, but we certainly cannot say that "we did not know".

Sonja Karkar is the founder and president of Women for Palestine in Melbourne, Australia. See www.womenforpalestine.com
Par Duffer2222 - Publié dans : Palestine
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Mercredi 3 octobre 2007

Weekend Edition
August 18 / 19, 2007

US Military Aid to Israel Tops $30 Billion

Tossing Fuel on a Fire

By DAVE LINDORFF

According to a new Associated Press report, the US is offering Israel a record $30-billion 10-year military aid package.

Let's ignore for a moment the AP story's irony-free comment that "Under Secretary of State for Political Affairs Nicholas Burns said the package was meant to back peace-seeking countries like Israel and moderate Arab states in the region to counter U.S. adversaries such as Iran." (Israel is a "peace-seeking" country?) We'll just focus on the amount of money that's being promised here.

Israel is a land of only 6 million people. That works out to about $5000 in arms aid per man, woman and child, and of course, since nearly a third of the people in Israel are Palestinian, and won't see a penny's (or bullet's) worth of that aid, it's really closer to $7500 per person. And remember, this is no basket case nation; this is one of the most technologically developed and wealthiest countries on earth we're talking about here.

Looked at another way, this aid to Israel represents a gift of $100 worth of money and weaponry from every man, woman and child in America to the people of Israel.

Think about that the next time you are scraping together the money to make your next mortgage payment or rent check.

Then think about the additional $20 billion that the U.S. is offering to the so-called "moderate" Arab states around Israel, by which we mean Saudi Arabia (you know, the country that gave us most of the 9-11 bombers and that is the prime country of origin of the foreign fighters we hear so much about in Iraq attacking US troops), Jordan and Egypt. the US has to offer that military aid if it's going to give weapons to Israel, or risk losing the friendship of those countries.

So that's $50 billion in weapons aid to a region that is a perpetual powderkeg. It makes about as much sense as giving a gift of matches and lighters to a rehab center full of pyromaniacs and convicted arsonists.

Viewed another way, the new military aid to Israel, which represents a 25 percent increase over last year (a reward for Israel's brutal and pointless invasion of Lebanon, perhaps?), which comes to about $3 billion per year, is ten times the entire US aid budget to fight AIDS in Africa.

So not only is this aid offer stupid in the extreme, giving Israel no reason whatsoever to work to achieve some kind of just and abiding settlement with its neighbors and with the Palestinians inside and outside its borders, but it's immoral for the reason that it shortchanges those who really need the aid.

I mean, this military aid to Israel is also equal to or greater than all US aid to Latin America, Africa and the Caribbean region.

But the news isn't all bad. At least in Latin America and the Caribbean, Venezuela is picking up the slack (and the rewards in terms of public acclaim) by providing the aid that the US is skimping on while it bankrolls Israel's war machine.

Is this how you want your tax dollars used?

Dave Lindorff is the author of Killing Time: an Investigation into the Death Row Case of Mumia Abu-Jamal. His n book of CounterPunch columns titled "This Can't be Happening!" is published by Common Courage Press. Lindorff's newest book is "The Case for Impeachment",
co-authored by Barbara Olshansky.

He can be reached at: dlindorff@yahoo.com
Par Duffer2222 - Publié dans : Palestine
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